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Milosevic

If anyone thought that the human race was about to turn a new leaf in the euphora of 1990 they were quickly disillusioned. The Genocide of Rwanda was one of the shocks that restored grimy reality. The break-up of Yugoslavia, and the ensuing wars, was the other. The post-Holocaust cry of "Never Again!" turned, once again, to "it's too much effort". Milosevic is synonymous with this latter conflict.

The truth is no one comes off very well from the mess. It is common-place to blame the European Community, and it deserves that blame, but sometimes it is forgotten that the USA was equally unwilling to commit very much to actual intervention. Bill Clinton, burned by Somalia, was leery of foreign engagements. He preferred peace plans and summit talks, not the involvement of troops on the ground and therefore the possible expenditure of blood. As for Britain, John Major was embattled domestically, and in France and Germany the cowardice that has marked recent years was also evident (the latter has the best defence of all three, being involved with the tricky and consuming business of reunification).

What changed in 1998, during the Kosovo crisis? Much as I dislike to admit it I think the change was Tony Blair's presence. Looking back, to the bombing of Iraq in 1998, the Kosovo war, and subsequently, I think future historians will be able to trace a muscular foreign policy on the part of this Prime Minister. But that is a thought for another day. Kosovo did not bring down Milosevic. Like all dictators towards the end he turned on those he hated most: his own people. It was his own people who also brought him down, in 2000.

Now with hindsight we can perhaps see that Kosovo and Milosevic's subsequent fall are part of a larger pattern of events, including the falls of Mobutu, Suharto, the freedom of East Timor, events in Georgia, Ukraine, and Lebanon. It is a movement that is linked, but also independent of, the War on Terror.

There are many points of contact, and not least in the show trial. For Milosevic was given one last stage to parade himself to the world, and that stage was called The Hague. I am very unconvinced about the international tribunal. The trials are political justification, legalistic, and are not justice as I understand the term. If they are to be held at all then I think it are the people who suffer most - inevitably with dictators their own people - who should be the ones to judge. The trial of Milosevic showed just how farcical a process this can be, and the trial of Saddam Hussein is reinforcing the lesson.

His death will hopefully be a help to Serbia, and the other countries of the former Yugoslavia, as they try to free themselves from the 1990s. If that is so, then perhaps through his death Milosevic can, at last, be the cause for a little good. Only time can tell.

March 12, 2006 in Current Affairs, Developing Thoughts, Recent History | Permalink | Comments (0)

Review: My Trade - A short history of British Journalism

by Andrew Marr (amazon link)

Andrew Marr is one of the few well-known journalists today, and perhaps the only one employed by the BBC, whom I have any measure of respect. This is not because I agree with his views. Where those views are deducable I frequently do not. I like him because he knows his "stuff" and his stuff is politics. That is a knowledge due in part because of experience, and in part through basic intelligence. I had some hopes therefore of this book. It is organised thematically: a basic history chapter, a chapter discussing what is and what is not news, a chapter specifically on political journalism, a chapter about newspaper editing, a chapter about television news, and finally a chapter about foreign correspondents vs columnists.  Aside from these divisions it is really a book of three things, all interlinked.

Firstly it is exactly what it says on the cover, a short history of British journalism. Not in depth, and not exhaustive. Rather it tries to give the reader an outline that should serve one is good stead. Not knowing really very much about the history of British journalism I cannot say whether it is a good history or not, but it reads well. A lot of this comes in the first chapter, but is spread about elsewhere (in particular in the television chapter there is a digression into the history of television news).

Secondly it is partly autobiographical. He uses his own experiences often as a lead in about what he is discussing. This is especially true in the chapter about editing, where Marr uses his own experiences as editor of the Independent as a way of demonstrating things to the reader.

Thirdly it is an assessment of the state of British journalism today, about which he is somewhat gloomy, and what needs to be done about it. Although he has a number of things to say the most repeated mantra goes something like this: advances in modern technology, especially communications technology, has meant journalists spend more time in the office and less time out and about, with the result that these journalists actually know less of what is going on and produce shoddier work. He does go into a great deal more detail, and I have to say his basic thesis (which I have not well represented) sounds convincing.

While he does not quite shine a light into dark places Andrew Marr is quite brazen about the trade in which he is in. He acknowledges many of the criticisms that are made against the profession while excusing by essentially saying "It's what people want".

The most revealing passage though is when Andrew Marr writes the following passages, on p322-3 of my copy, which I'll type out. I am omitting one paragraph in the middle which is one of the history digressions which are spread througout the book. He is talking about whether the BBC is biased. He has just written a paragraph trying to demonstrate that the BBC is basically unbiased in UK domestic politics, which if one takes the entire BBC as an institution I think is fair enough. However, he goes on:

It isn't party bias: it's cultural bias. 'Where are you coming from?' is a common question. We all come from somewhere, in the sense of having basic values and instincts. But if people come from somewhere, so do institutions. The BBC comes mainly from its own public sector history, and from the sprawling west London site where its main television and radio programmes are based. Its staff are younger, and more often black or Asian, than the population of the UK generally. Being younger, and living in London, they are likley to be more socially liberal in their attitudes to drugs, sexuality, and much else.

...

So this culture, younger, more liberal and urban and public sector than Britain as a whole, transmits a national broadcasting service which inevitably mimics its origins. This is not the case for everything about the BBC - the Corporation of Gardener's World or One Man and His Dog also exists. But it is true that, overall, the BBC's assumptions are more progressive, or tendier, or mildly more radical, that the whiter, older, more conservative, more suburban country it serves. All that can be done about this is for the BBC to be constantly aware of the gap and to 'aim off'. The bias is mostly unconcious and does not mean to offend - I am talking about the presenter's joke that assumes 'we' are all against George Bush, or country vicars are inherently funny. Even in politics, the liberal assumptions sometimes slip in: when BBC correspondents, particularly from London, are reporting the Irish peace process, it could be imagined, occasionally, that the BBC disapproved of people voting for Ian Pailsey's Democratic Unionists - though they pay their license fees like everyone else. What, though, about even harder cases - the racists of the British National Party, and the general unwillingness of the BBC to broadcast the views of people who wish, for instance, to get out of the EU, or to see an English parliament established?

Andrew Marr's weakness, and the weakness in the book overall however, is that he does not answer this question raised by his frank admission of the sort of prejudices that the blogosphere routinely bashes the MSM for, the acknowledgd cultural bias of what Mickey Kaus (unless I'm terribly mistaken) called the echo chamber. This might well be because he continues to be employed by the BBC and needs to make sure he continues to receive his pay packet. It might also be that, as the paragraph after this one seems to suggest, we should keep the BBC for reasons of British sentimentality.

However, I do want to pick up on thing here. When I watched the UK Local and European elections last year and the surprisingly large vote for the UK Indepedence Party came in he put up quite an argument that the people voting UKIP were not simply casting protest votes. Rather, he suggested, they were people who had very serious concerns and doubts about the European project, concerns and doubts they felt they could express in a European election in a way they felt they might not in a General election, on which so much else rides. The other two BBC presenters were, I think, Anthony King (whom the BBC drag on fairly often), and David Dimleday. Both rubbished the suggestion, but I rather think Andrew Marr put his finger on something. Of course, since I was someone voting UKIP on that occasion for more or less that reason I am completely biased on this point. It is for a deduction like that I hold Andrew Marr in high respect.

A final word, this book is a book about British journalism, though American journalism is touched briefly where its trends effect the main subject matter. Jayson Blair is referred to a few times, particularly in the 'lack of trust' department. The US election campaign, with the CBS Memos, or more latterly Eason Jordan, are not included however for the simple reason the book was written beforehand. It is however a very good read, and I heartily recommend it.

September 05, 2005 in Books, British Politics, Current Affairs, Recent History | Permalink | Comments (0)

Counter-Intuitive?

Posting on Instapundit yesterday Michael Totten wrote of this piece:

Marcus Cicero remembers the Cold War and wonders if, somewhat counter-intuitively, we’re in more danger now than we were then.

To which I have to wonder, what is so counter-intuitive about that. My father pronouced to me back in 1991 that the world was becoming a more dangerous place, and really its obvious. MAD was the key-stone in the arch of global stability for nearly forty years. The problem was the left side of the arch had been poorly built, collapsed, and global stability went with it leaving the heretofore vital key-stone just so much debris. Change is inherently dangerous, as ripe with possibilities for good as it is crammed with opportunities for ill. However, perhaps not everyone had a father (or friend) as foresighted as mine was to tell them that the starker truth of 1989. Besides, after the likes of Bosnia, not to mention 9/11 and subsequent events, it must take some really dedicated blindness to think that the world is a safer place.

August 11, 2005 in Recent History | Permalink | Comments (0)

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